Tuesday, 21 August 2012

ASSAM RIOT - BEING REFUGEE IN HOMELAND


                 ASSAM RIOT -  MUSLIMS ARE NOT INDIANS ,NOR THEY LOVE INDIA, A
                  TERRORIST COMMUNITY




THE RIOT IN ASSAM BROKE OUT DUE TO ILLEGAL BANGLADESHI MUSLIM,WHO MURDERED FOUR MEMBERS OF FORMER BODO MILITANT CADETS ON 19th JULY, 2012.THE RESULT OF WHICH OUT SPREAD VIOLENCE BROKE OUT IN HALF PORTION OF WESTERN ASSAM , MAINLY BODO LAND AREAS,OUT-SPREAD OF THIS VIOLENCE WAS DUE TO TARUN GOGOI NEGLIGENCE AND HIS BANGLADESHI VOTERS WHO STARTED MASS KILLINGS AND CAPTURING VILLAGES AFTER VILLAGES ,AND THEIR SLOGAN IS ,"ALLAH -U-AKHBAR,,"ALLAH -U-AKHBAR, AAJ KEY TAKIYA ,AEI GAON TAH AAMADER , KAFER , GAON CHAAR."



The ethnic clash between Bodos and Bangladeshi Muslims had all India repercussions. To show solidarity with their fellow Muslims in Assam, Muslims protested all over India in various forms, not all of which were peaceful. Some Muslims allegedly threatened North-Eastern diaspora working and studying in Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad, Bombay, Pune, Kerala and elsewhere.
The innocent North-Eastern tribals (often referred to as "chinkis" in the mainland India) had to took the brunt as they share the same Mongoloid facial structure as Bodos. Afraid of being at the receiving end of Muslims' ire, the North-Easterners (including Assamese) left the cities in drove which resulted into the biggest mass exodus in India after the partition of 1947.According to NDTV, two Muslims were killed in early July, followed by two more killings on 19 July.
The police failed to identify the killers.[4] On 20 July, four former Bodo Liberation Tigers men were killed in Kokrajhar. Certain news sources also trace the violence to the death of the two student leaders of the All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union and the All Assam Minority Students’ Union in Kokrajhar on 4 July 2012.


HINDU BORO WOMEN ,FIRST RAPED ,THEN CHOPPED INTO PIECES



The hell of Islamic Jihad is sprawling all over India to simply burn out the Hindu Kafirs here. And unfortunately Hindus are voluntarily jumping to that Islamic hell of fire in an utmost embarrassment.In the row of so called protest over the killings and riots against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar and the illegal Bangladeshi Muslims in Kokrajhar, Assam, their Indian Counterpart waged a jahadi war against the State and public in general. By the by, these Rohingya Muslims are also the illegal Muslim population migrated from Bangladesh and have established a huge settlement of 4500 Rohingyas in the capital city of India,Delhi.As per available information, 50,000 illegal BD Muslims have been efficiently disappeared from the North Bengal bus stops, railway stations, markets, urban and rural areas and obviously from the refugee camps for Kokrajhar victims (?), so warmly maintained by the West Bengal Govt and ruling TMC party as well. As per record these migrant BD Muslims are the head ache for the State administration from United Kingdom to United States. While the Bangladesh Govt. is negating the entry of Rohingyas in  BD, the Muslim leaders in India have lost their sound sleep in these matters.The Indian Muslims are crying and retaliating for the illegal Myanmar and Kokrajhar Muslims. Ferocious Muslim leaders are raising a hue and cry in the state assemblies and Indian parliament for the rehabilitation of these illegal intruders as a new contingent of Islam to fight against the Indian Nation to break it up with fresh formation new Pakistans.



The anti national Muslims of Ranchi attacked the unwarranted Indian public all on a sudden to the Myanmar Muslim issue on Friday, 10th August; the Muslims of  Mumbai plan fully gathered in Friday’s weekly prayer at Azad Maidan to protest the violence in Assam, while the Raza Academy also convened a protest meeting on Saturday (11/08/2012) to retaliate over Rohingya killings at Myanmar.
Sources disclosed that Raza Academy members were stunned to see the crowd swelling from their expected 1,000-odd number to over 50,000. Though police ascertains only a 12-15 thousand mob did all these holy Islamic activities against the State and its people. Mainly Kashmir, Assam and Myanmar Muslims were in the main agenda to provoke Jihad in the Muslim psyche to dismantle the total Police and Administration in Mumbai city.
The agitation was supported by other organisations like Sunni Jamaitul Ulma and Jamate Raza-e-Mustafa. Awami Vikas Party (AVP), a political outfit floated by former police officer Shamsher Khan Pathan, also took part in the protest.
As per reports Maulana Gulam Abdul Kadri (U.P) was main Culprit for Mumbai menace on 11/8 Mumbai riots, whose inflammatory speech changed the situation so virulent.  When Maulana Gulam Abdul Kadri was giving a provocative speech, a mob of around 3,000 became agitated and came out of the Azad Maidan with banners, flags and bamboos in their hands and raised slogans. They were joined by a group of 1,000 young men who came out of the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus railway station. They raised slogans, used abusive language, and soon turned violent despite the police’s appeals for peace, the report stated. It is believed that the mob too wanted to join the protest.
Senior police officials said they were in the process of ascertaining if any provocative speech was made from the dais that instigated the mob. Official sources said 17 speakers were on the dais during the protest. Only five had finished their speeches. When the fifth speaker — Maulana Kadri — was giving a provocative speech, he was allegedly stopped by a policeman. The speeches made by Maulana Niyamat Noori, Guddu Bhaiyya, Maulana Akhtar Ali, Maulana Amanullah Barkati and Maulana Gulam Abdul Kadri are under the police scanner. The police said that if their speeches were found to be provocative, they would be arrested and booked under Section 153(a) of the Indian Penal Code. According to the report, the rioters allegedly molested women constables on duty, snatched two Self-Loading Rifles and one service revolver, 160 live rounds of cartridges, including 150 rounds of SLR and 10 rounds of service revolver. They also desecrated the ‘Amar Jawan’ memorial at CST and tried to burn down police vans with policemen in them. “It was sheer luck that we were able to rescue the policemen from the vans. The mob had locked them in and was not allowing them to come out,” a senior police officer told. Unofficially, it has been ascertained that 50,000 Muslims of Mumbai were participated and helped the rioters  in various ways.
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The police arrested 23 people in connection with Saturday’s violence at the Azad Maidan rally that left two people dead and many injured.
All have been booked for rioting, murder and attempt to murder, molestation of women constables and damaging public property and media’s OB Vans etc. Media personnel were also put in a severe attacks.
All the 23 rioters so far arrested by Mumbai Police are devout Muslims and fanatic  Jihadis, some of them exploited and  vandalised the iconic Amar Jawan Jyoti memorial near CST.
Now Mumbai police, having drawn flak for its massive failure to contain the riots on Saturday, is now going on an overdrive to nab the miscreants.According to reports, the entire force and its network is hot on the heels of these unidentified protestors, who kicked at the memorial, smashed it with a lathi, and then damaged the rifle and helmet inside the fibre glass casing.
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Mumbai might have been organised at the behest of elements linked to All India United Democratic Front. AIDUF chief and perfume baron Badruddin Ajmal, who represents the Dhubri Lok Sabha constituency, has been demanding dissolution of the Bodo Territorial Council, saying that its structure was skewed against non-Bodos (or Bengali-speaking Muslims) who formed the majority. Ajmal is said to have wide business interests in Mumbai. However, Ajmal has denied any AIUDF link to the violence in Mumbai. In these days Badruddin Ajmal of AIUDF and Asaduddin Owaisi, MP of Hyderabad and Leader of AIMIM (All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen) are going hand to hand to polarize Muslim vote bank and communalize the Indian Politics as Muslim League’s strategy as before.
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Curfew in four areas in Bareilly,  UP. 
In a very shrewd manner, the Muslims of India are now crying purposely for victim of Assam or Myanmar Muslims only to rouse a crude communal feelings in Muslims society so that the major portion of them can start a direct action against Hindus of their prime localities.
In this connection the riot situations have been plotted in Ranchi (Jharkhand) and Bareilly (Uttar Pradesh) also. The frenzy Muslim Mob directly attacked vehicles, shops and public life in Albert Ekka Chowk in Ranchi on Friday (10-08-2012) in the matter of Myanmar and Assam Muslims. But, in Bareilly the Jihadi Muslims foiled with Hindus over a Janmastami (Birth day of Lord Krishna)  procession on (11-08-20112) and the Muslims speakers started provocation with the reference of Myanmar and Assam incidents
Understanding these unholy design of Muslim provocateurs, we have to ugly and subversive strength behind it. Apparently the Indian Muslims are crying for Muslim brethren in Myanmar or Assam, but they are fighting the Islamic flag atop the Parliament or President’s House in India.

We have only one demand. We want a Muslim India.
In the demands of higher Muslim reservation in every sphere by notorious Azam Khan, the Uttar Pradesh Minister of Minority Welfare Deptt., or the demand of dissolution of Bodo Council in Assam by Badaruddin Azmal , or restrictions imposed on Ramnavami in Hyderabad by Akbaruddin Owaisi, the local MLA of the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen,or demanding a Muslim Chief minister in West Bengal by Nazrul Islam, an IPS Officer in concurrent service, or the deadly lust for the killing of a law consultant Pallavi Purakayastha by a Muslim night-watchman (actually Kashmiri) to fulfill a Love Jihad, or a huge coordination between all the Muslim NGOs and the Religious groups to form an alternative political power in India to conquer  the Indian scenario, have a certain unison for the simulation of Pan Islamism in India.
This making of Dar-ul-Islam in India cannot be completed with bloody Jihad. So the streets and corners of Mumbai, Korajhar, Bareilly or Ranchi are bound to see the repetition of bloodshed and social crisis with every possible ares in India.





Still then why Hindus are sleeping all along?    

1. Our imposed secularism in Indian constitution always caring for the 2nd largest population of India, i.e. Muslims. But, what kind of treatments are given to the 2nd largest population of Pakistan and Bangladesh, i.e. Hindus there? Hindus of Pakistan and Bangladesh are leaving their soil after a sever Islamic persecution as a well-known factor now a days.
But the same persecuting Muslim people demand a prospective Pakistan once again. Now reservation, next new home land for Muslims like the demand of Pakistan as earlier. The Muslims strength about 3.75 crore now reached 18.75 crores. Just 5 times growth in 65 years. It can never be possible in any discriminating situation like the minorities in separated parts of India.
Muslims are flourishing enough in India within minimum reservation and maximum appeasement.
2. Again Muslims of India does not believe in Indian constitution and Vande Mataram unanimously. They believe and put high the Sharia above the Indian Constitution. So, their claims of constitutional reservation for job, education, politics, grants, subsidies, trades etc. are ultra vires.
3. This ancient land of Bharatvarsa was divided in Bharat – Pakistan on the basis of Two Nation Theory, very unfortunately in 1947. Higher majority of Muslims of then India voted Muslim League to perpetuate the Two Nation Theory. The claimed even exchange of population. They denied stay in an Undivided Nation with the Hindu Kaffirs. This is the reality of History so far ignored. MUSLIMS GOT THEIR PAKISTAN. THIS BHARAT IS OBVIOUSLY MEANT FOR HINDUS. Muslims have no right to stay in India. How the Muslims have got the rights to stay here to raise their cheater’s voice to make a new Pakistan here so openly. STOP MUSLIM RESERVATION MUSLIM RESERVATION IMMEDIATELY.
4. Hindus of Pakistan is now turned a microscopic race there with a meager 1.86% at present. In 1947 Hindus were the 16% of total population of Pakistan. But through an Islamic chain of persecution including killing, looting, molestation, ransom, abduction, hate preaching, forceful marriage and conversion, Hindus have been dying every moment in Pakistan. The Hindu batches coming to India and seeking long-term visa in India tell the truth. This truth relates to Islam which inspire Muslims to convert this whole world into Islam and the seize the live rights of Non Muslims. Statistics may differ, but the truth is virtual. From the beginning Islam captured their land by mitigating the rights of Non Muslims at any cost. Arab was fortified with 100% ethnic cleansing of non-believers. Gradually this Islamic theme was adopted in every Muslim Country for which Non Muslims are not safe in any Muslim Country or in any Muslim majority area. In Islamic Bangladesh the Hindus and Other Non Muslims are facing the same situation. Muslims always target the land, populace, women and money of others as a hard rock reality. The  27% Hindu population of Bangladesh in 1971 came down to 9% today under the same Islamic persecution.
This set examples of insane and brute Islam only demand a ravage retaliation to Islam by paying back them in their own coins.
5. While  offence is the best defense, why Hindus of India do not undertake the ‘an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth’ policy to ensure Hindus’ safety, security and future. Hindus must start retaliation against persecuting Islam everywhere with an ultimate goal of Hindu Rashtra (Hindu State) in India, as one billion Hindus have no Hindu State in this world. The claim, war and establishment of Hindu  Rashtra in Bharat (India) is the ultimate solution of Islamic menace in India.

A BODO WOMEN -RAPED AND LATER KILLED BY MUSLIMS IN HER OWN MOTHERLAND







While Tarun Gogoi may dismiss that the entire state of Assam is not burning and only a few districts are it also goes on to highlight the fact that the three times chief minister (since 2001) of the north eastern state thinks it all right to live in denial. Illegal Immigration of Bangladeshis is a historical problem for Assam and to dismiss the violence as an isolated conflict affecting only a few districts is outright silly. This matter is a cause of much concern and a source of constant strife between the migrants and the majority Assamese communities (Mishings, Rabhas, Tiwas, Boros, Axomiyas, etc). The political clout of the still-in-majority-but-god-knows-for-how-long primarily Hindu tribes is getting diminished by a flood of migrants from the neighboring country who are mostly Muslims. Some see this as a sinister ISI-backed design by anti-India forces to destabilize the insurgency hit North Eastern part of the country while still others as a grand plan of Bangladesh and Pakistan to Islamize India (Greater Bangladesh or greater Pakistan as they call it). Indigenous Muslims in Assam thus feel isolated in such conflicts because it is almost always impossible to distinguish between a genuine Bengali Muslim from India and one who has come from across the border. It is quite another thing that though the Urban class from Assam is quite vocal about illegal migration nothing much has transpired on ground. The trials and tribulations of Assam Agitation are still fresh in the minds of many but Assam continues to see an upsurge in its population of the Muslim Bengali and this has been a cause of much cultural and socio-economic conflict in this part of the country, where resources are limited for the teeming millions.

Location of Kokrajhar in Assam source: www.mapsofindia.com
I will not get into further historical anecdotes but the IMDT Act, 1983 which was struck down by honorable Supreme Court of India in 2005 virtually ensured that Bangladeshis who illegally entered India after 25th March, 1971 stay put in Assam and further consolidate their hold in the state. A window opening of more than two decades where the onus was on the accuser to prove that the accused was not from the country is more than a state could afford. I often think why was the Foreigner’s Act, 1946 amended to make it more immigration friendly when the Assam Agitation’s main purpose was to piggy bank on the discord between the indigenous and non-indigenous Assamese an push the illegal entrants out of the state? Perhaps a mutual understanding of sorts! First the Hiteshwar Saikia government in tandem with Indira Gandhi framed the IMDT Act in 1983 in wake of the Nellie Massacre (February, 1983) and two years down the line, in 1985, a lollipop was served which saw Asom Gana Parishad, led by Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, coming to power in Assam. It is Nehruvian to frame laws for short-term benefits discounting national interest and the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act was no exception.
In the above historical context, it has become clear that Assam has reached the stage that no political party can dream to come to power without the help of the Bangladeshis and thus everyone continues to have a casual approach to this matter. Whether INC, AIUDF or the politically reduced AGP, all need the minorities to win seats. While some are emotionally attached to the Bangladeshis for cultural affinities others might not be but ultimately it puts a question on the fight between limited resources between Assamese and the Bangladeshis. The Bodoland riots are a reflection of that angst, unaddressed by the Central and State government in the way it is required. There is absolutely no urgency felt by the incumbents at Dispur or at New Delhi to make illegal immigration a deterrence in Assam. Fencing of the border, albeit a slow and difficult task, empowering and managing the BSF and making stringent laws to curb down on infiltration are genuine demands by the citizenry of Assam concerned about their future and that of the state. Amidst this is the chasm shared by indigenous Muslims of Assam. They often bear the brunt of being either sympathetic towards their brethren from the other side of the border or plain confused or merely angry. So far the government continues to be indifferent to the plight of Assamese Hindu tribes this problem will hardly cool down.
Coming to July, 2012, the riots in Kokrajhar and neighboring districts of Assam which have so far left at least 53 people dead, 11 missing and almost 4 lakh displaced, is just a marker of the times to come. Tension was building up in Kokrajhar right from the first week of July when unidentified gunmen shot and killed two Muslims (leaders of All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union and the All Assam Minority Students’ Union) on 4th July at Magurmari which was followed by retaliatory killing of four former Bodoland Liberation Tigers (BLT) members on 19th July at Joypur. That resulted in an array of killing and counter killings that soon engulfed most of Kokrajhar, Chirang and Dhubri. Lakhs of Bodos and Muslims were displaced without medical or ration facilities. Trains entering or moving out of North East were badly hit causing much inconvenience to the public at large while the center and the state government decided to wait and watch and slept over it for almost 4 days. A chronology of events wants answers to many baffling questions including the indifference of the Indian state over loss of lives and precautionary methodologies adopted in advance.
4th July: Two minority student union leaders killed in Magurmari by unidentified gunmen
19th July: Four former BLT members killed at Joypur by armed Muslims in retaliation
23rd July: PM Manmohan Singh instructs CM Tarun Gogoi to do whatever it takes to restore peace
24th July: Stone pelting at Guwahati bound Rajdhani Express by miscreants at Srirampur railway station
24th July: Centre deploys paramilitary forces and 13 columns of the Indian Army
24th July: Amidst continuing violence, shoot-at-sight orders issued in Kokrajhar
25th July: Indian Army conducts flag marches
26th July: Shoot-at-sight order extended to an indefinite period in Kokrajhar and night-curfews imposed in Chirang and Dhubri districts
26th July: CM Tarun Gogoi finally visits Kokrajhar after a delay of so many days (which raises important question over the reason for such laxity) and announced Rs 6 lakh as compensation to the closest kin of those who were dead and assured that people who were rendered homeless or displaced would be provided new houses at government expenses. He also assured that peace would soon return to the violence-affected areas. Besides the clich├ęs nothing concrete came out and we perfectly understand why
28th July: PM Manmohan Singh visits Kokrajhar and said he was closely working with the state government to provide a sense of security to all affected areas and to ensure that they can go back to their houses in the knowledge that their lives and livelihood are secure. Singh said Rs 2 lakh would be given to the next of kin of those who died and Rs 50,000 to the injured. He announced Rs 100 crore for relief and rehabilitation of the affected people in the six affected districts, Rs 100 crore as Special Plan assistance for development programmes in the affected areas and another Rs 100 crore under the Indira Awaas Yojana. Rs 30,000 each would be given to those whose houses were completely damaged, Rs 20,000 under the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund to those whose houses were partially damaged. The prime minister ordered an inquiry committee to be set up to look into the violence and directed the state government to provide security to the affected people so that they can go back home. Much like the CM of Assam, Manmohan’s visit was high on political rhetoric and less on substance. If money could buy peace then the world would have been a much peaceful place but sadly it doesn’t
28th July: Tarun Gogoi said that the late arrival of central forces, including the Army, led to the spread of clashes in the State. So the buck stops nowhere when it comes to taking responsibilities

A map of Dhubri with the red dots showing the area where Brahmaputra enters Bangladesh and which is one of the major areas from where illegal infiltration happens and often in country boats
source: www.mapsofindia.com
It is quite clear from the above that the response from the State and the Centre has been awfully late and merely in announcing cash discounts to the affected most of whom will have to undergo bureaucratic hassles as and when peace gets restored which is not the solution to this problem. Not once did, either the PM or the CM, touch upon the issue of illegal immigration and the tensions thereof. A fact finding team from BJP, led by Vijay Goel, did touch upon the issue but the party hardly has a voice in the state. It said, “Timely action could have been taken, but the State government failed to assess and control the situation because of its vote-bank politics.” It also pointed that Illegal migration was at the heart of the problem, as the Assam government neither bothered to prepare the National Register of Citizens nor identified the illegal migrants, especially Muslims from Bangladesh and asked the border with Bangladesh to be sealed.”
Vast stretches of the Assam-Bangladesh border are porous and somewhere it is almost impossible to have fencing, especially where the mighty Brahmaputra cuts into the neighboring state in Dhubri. Constant and closely monitored guarding, adoption of scientific patrolling in the border areas, efficient intelligence gathering, proficient maintenance of the National Register of Citizens are some of the ways by which infiltration can be checked but it requires strong political will which is hard to come by in a state which depends majorly on who the Bangladeshis vote and so far that happens it’s only a matter of time before a similar event erupts and the Assamese society gets further divided on lines of religion and a communal fire engulfs the whole state leaving no room for Mr. Tarun Gogoi to indulge in wordplay.
Meanwhile, media’s role has been hardly surprising. For the first week it tried to suppress the story but in today’s world of an active citizenry on social media it is hard to fool people and hide facts or present them in the desired way to suit political or corporate agendas. Unethical comparisons were made to allegedly larger riots in India as if riots are a commodity requiring attention only when casualties are of a particular scale. (In reality, riots are to be reported when it happens in a particular state.) When it became clear that they can no longer hide it – when casualties kept mounting up, reports began appearing in newspapers from as late as 23rd July, hitting headlines only a day later. Journalists kept inflating the agony of the Muslims while downplaying the issue of illegal infiltration or the Bodo dilemma and suffering. The Hindu kept on harping how Muslims who have been living there for ages (didn’t mention for how long) were targeted. The problems of the Bodos, slowly being driven to a minority status were ignored and they were almost always referred to as “militants.”
Kokrajhar continues to boil and while the media continues to downplay the event and so does the central and state government it is for the aam junta at large to decide the course of their land free from alien encroachment. It must continue pushing its governing bodies for sincerity in identifying genuine Indian citizens and pushing out illegal ones so that the fight for resources is legitimate and doesn’t spiral down to a black hole because as we clearly see the blame will not be put on the responsible parties (the Indian National Congress in this case) but made into a general issue of how all political parties are the same and Indians themselves are apathetic to concerns of the poor Bangladeshis who provide cheap labor ignoring the fact that they indulge in population explosion, demographic change, cultural change, social tensions, land grabbing, arson n crime besides being a threat to national integrity.


a boro boy ,lost all his family members ,now fighting for his life







































Saturday, 14 April 2012

History of DumDum

               

                                                Dum Dum, Kolkata


Dumdum is a city in the state of West Bengal. It is a neighborhood in North-west Kolkata and the location of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose International Airport, formerly known as Dum Dum Airport. It is a major commercial center located at the outskirts of Kolkata. Dum Dum region is important, as it constitutes main entry points of the city. The area being provided with a domestic and international airport is the landing base for the foreigners visiting the city.

Dum Dum region is about 10 kms from the city center which is taken to be Chandni Chowk. The nearby localities include Salt Lake,Jhilbagan, Ghughu Danga and Jawpur.

History of Dum Dum
Dum Dum AirportDuring the 19th century, Dum Dum was home to a British Royal Artillery Armoury. In the early 1890s, Captain Bertie Clay developed a bullet with the jacket cut away at the tip to reveal its soft lead core known as a dum dum.

Demographics of Dum Dum
As per 2001census, DumDum had a population of 102,319. Males constitute 52% of the population and females 48%. Dumdum has an average literacy rate of 82%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 85% and, female literacy is 78%.

Dum Dum, KolkataTransportation of Dum Dum
Dum Dum is connected to other major regions by means of train air and busses. The major means of transportation is through the subway, K

The Netaji Subhash Chander Bose International Airport or Dum Dum Airport is located within the township premises. There is also a domestic airport that is located 22 kms from Dum Dum. Other means of conveyance at Dum Dum are buses and taxis. 


     Origin behind naming Dum Dum:


There is a saying mere name bears no meaning. But, to the learners of history a name carry much importance. A name of a certain place, street or alike hides several ancient historical hidden treasures within it. Accordingly, very often it brings contradicting opinions, angles of thinking being different, to find out origin of a name. Alike Kokata, there are many opinions behind the origin of naming ‘Dum Dum’. Dr. Sukumar Sen in his writings ‘Bangla Sthan Nam’ expresses his opinion behind the origin of naming ‘Dum Dum’ as where sounds arise out of firing of Cannons. Rajsekhar Basu, author of dictionary ‘Chalantika’ explains in it that the term Dum Dum comes from the Arabic term ‘Damdamh’- Meaning a high mound made of clay for targeting firing. The dictionary edited by ‘Samsad’ also holds the same view.
There are certain other opinions about origin of naming ‘Dum Dum’ –
  1. In the Cantonment set up by Lord Clive the solders were being awakened from their sleep by striking drums, which sounds dumdum and as such the general public used to identify the Cantonment as Dumdum Cantonment. But, such argument cannot be accepted since historically there was an existence of name Dumdum of this place before Lord Clive arrived at.     
  2. There were so many Zamindars residing in this region of Dumdum for a pretty long time. The Zamindars spent their maximum time in their Baganbaris (pleasure-houses) of this region of Dumdum with gaudy funs and playing with firecrackers. A lot of people drew inference that the sounds that came out of such playing with fire crackers was behind the naming this region as Dumdum. Since the system of introducing such Zaminders was developed only after the English had arrived at in this land inference drawn by these people cannot be accepted. The existence of this place having name as Dumdum was of as before as the battle of plassy.
  3. The high mounds raised by clay for practicing archery or firing guns were called dumdum - was the belief of Sailendra Biswas. To an extent Chandidas Bandyopadhyay also was of the same belief. He wrote, dumdum means ‘a raised mound of battery’ i.e., to place a series of cannons on high land Dum Duma was the origin of naming the region as Dum Dum. Perhaps, Chandidas Babu was influenced by the views of HEA Cotton.
  4. H. I. S. Kanwar advanced quite on a different angle of thinking to find out origin of naming the region as Dum Dum. He was of opinion that the region was shrouded under water and dense forest providing shelters to the dacoits to take rest or to take ‘Dum’ (to take rest for a short time). The dacoits used this region as place of sharing their booty among them that were looted by them from the pilgrims and as such this region was called as Dum Dum.
  5. Haripada Bhowmick believed that the origin of naming the region as Dum Dum was of ancient dialect. By quoting the writings of Dr. Amalendu Mitra he stressed that the term ‘dumdum’ means ‘Ghana’ i.e., dense. It was an ancient dialect. It was used to mean bamboo bush or hair. Probably, at that time, there were plenty of bamboo-bush rather than the trees of Sundry in this region and that was the aphoristic to naming Dum Dum. To establish this opinion he put forward Krisnapada Goswamy. Because, Krisnapada Goswami believed that the origin of name Dum Dum was the result of the influence of Ostrich language.
  6. The opinions as explained by the persons in the way to quest of the origin of naming the region as Dum Dum as above totally voided by Parth Ghosh in an interview. His was a concept that there was a reference of a village naming ‘Uddyamee’ in  ‘Mangalkabya’ written by Manik Ganguly. In course of evolution the degenerated form of the same came to Dumdum. The basic shortcoming of the concept is that Parth Babu had not mentioned any clear and specific name of the said Mangalkabya and also the year and date when it was published.   

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    ‘Dumdum’- Origin behind the name
    - an analysis
    My view.
    Originally the term is taken from the Persian Language – pronunciation being dumdum. To translate it in Bengali, the meaning would be ‘high mound’. This area once was under the Mughal Emperor and in that regime Persian language was used as court language. Having many high mounds within it, this area was called Dumdum ; the degenerated form of the word comes to Dumduma and thereafter to Dum Dum – I argue.
    Within the boundary line of Dum Dum there are more than one high mounds. Their locations are as follows :-
    1. Dum Dum House or Clive House –within Mouza Dum Dum House.
    2. Rajbari (King’s House) of Saatkshira at Barahnagar.
    3. The water tank naming ‘Talah Tank’ - the high mound on which it is erected. To point out, here the term ‘Talah’ is also of Persian Language which also means high mound.
    4. One at Deulpota or Dakshineswar.
    An area having so many high mounds within it normally have such a name – dumdum> dumduma> damdama> Dum Dum. In Bengal, baring this area there are certain other places which are also have the same name, e.g. at Khidirpore, at Bankura, at Howrah-Hoghly-Barasat-Berachapa – having high mounds total number being ten and are being called as ‘Dumdumi’ or ‘Damdama’ or  ‘Damdam’. Besides, there is an area in Assam having its name ‘Dumduma’. In all the areas there is a high mound in each of the area. Observed closely, we will find resemblance with the high mounds as they are within Dum Dum.    
     
    Some persons are of belief that when English came and sat up Army quarters or army camps/cantonment – the roaring sound that came out of firing guns and/or of blasting of cannon-balls there from is the reason behind naming this area as Dum Dum or the high mounds raised by clay for practicing firing guns or cannons in those camps – which is called by English BATTERY, were called in Bengli Damdama and thus this area comes to be known as Dum Dum.
    I differ with the belief for various reasons. Firstly, once the English will come here and then they will set up Army camps and thereafter they will form practice ground and the roaring sounds will come out of firing guns and/or of blasting of cannon-balls there from and then and only than an area-name could be formed. But, historically it is not a fact. At time when in the first battle with Nawab Siraz-Ud-Doulah Clive was defeated he expressed his wish to remain imprisoned at Dumdum house. From this it bears, therefore, that (one) the British Empire was not at all established at that time and (two) Clive was well acquainted with the name of Dumdum house. Secondly, at time when solders were practicing firing guns or cannons in those camps at Damdam two Brahmins of a high lineage residing at Uttar Kolkata having temple came there and demanded that the land belong to them. The English on verifying the deed observed and accepted the originality of the deed and proposed them to agree to accept another area of similar nature. The Brahmins were shown the lands at Salt Lake City. The Brahmins in turn on showing deeds demanded that those lands at Salt Lake City were also belong to them and disclosed that they were the owners of all lands within the area of Damdam. Now, the English requested them to sell the area at Dum Dum Cantonment to them. The Brahmins accepted the request. In the deed prepared for this purpose it was written beside the name of sellers ‘all the lands at dum dum’. Thus, this establishes the concept that long before the English came here this area was known as Dumdum or Damdama. This corroborates the facts that were written by Robert Orme in his writings ‘Hindusthan’ and the records that were preserved in the Kolkata High Court.
                                    By     MRIDUL NANDY






Friday, 13 April 2012

Language Movement in Barak Valley, 19 May 1961: An Era of Brave Bengali Revolution




  Language Movement in Barak Valley, 19 May 1961      

Bhasha Shahid Smarok, Karimganj  of 19th May, 1961 struggle
Geographically, linguistically, culturally and socially, the Barak Valley is an extension of the eastern Bengal. In 1874, when Assam was organised as a province by the British, two Bengali speaking districts of Sylhet and Cachar was carved out of the Bengal Presidency and incorporated in Assam to meet the revenue deficit of the newly formed province. The twin districts were then placed under a Commissionership and came to be known as Surma Valley division. In 1947, the major part of the Sylhet district was transferred to erstwhile East Pakistan. The remaining part of the Surma Valley division is now known as the Barak Valley which has since been organised into three districts of Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi within the state of Assam. But, for all practical purpose, the Surma Barak Valley (i.e. the pre-independence districts of Sylhet and Cachar) forms a single cultural unit since time immemorial.’ This is how Dr. Sujit Choudhury, an eminent social scientist and activist from Barak Valley introduces the dichotomy between political boundary of present day and socio cultural legacy of the past. All kind of activities, from creative to historiography thus earns the status of activism in the context of above. While the forces in the power apparatus of the state of Assam till date seek to undermine and distort the linguistic character of Barak Valley, people in general and the activists in academics and performing art in particular, endeavour to uphold the cultural uniqueness of the land. Though Assamese-speaking people in Barak Valley form a microscopic section of the population and again the major section of them are basically temporary residents on postings in government jobs, the website of Government of Assam declares Assamese as the major language of Barak Valley despite Bengali being the official language of these districts. 
Hailakandi-Sahid Bedi-stands for Coward Act of Assamesse in  19th May, 1961 struggle













A study of history of Barak Valley, both of ancient and modern times, thus acquires importance in the light of the never ending saga of linguistic aggression.Barak Valley in Assam, consisting three districts, Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi, a geographical area of about 6922 sq., k.m., (according to the census of 2001) is situated between Longitude 92°15" and 93°15" East and Latitude 24°8" and 25°8" North. The valley constitutes 8.9 per cent of the geographical area of of Assam; contains 11.22 percent of the population (2001 census). The North Cachar Hills district and the state of Meghalaya in its north, Mizoram in the south, Manipur in the east, and the state of Tripura and the Sylhet district of Bangladesh in the west of the valley The valley has an undulating topography characterized by hills, hillocks, wide plains, and low-lying water bodies, locally known as beels, some of which, however, dry up in the winter, termed as howers. Most of the hills have a north-south spread interspersed by the strips of plains. The land is alluvial, and is naturally fertile.The principal river, Barak origins from Angami Naga Hills in Manipur, and travels in curved route cutting through the heart of Cachar district, reaches Haritikar in Kathigora revenue circle to be divided into two branches, Surma and Kushira to flow in Bangladesh in separate streams. Kushira, however, flows in Karimganj and forms the natural border of India and Bangladesh. Jiri, Chri, Madhura, Jatinga, Dhalesweri, Ghagra, Katakhal, Longai, Shingla, Sonai are the major rivers in Barak Valley.Barail, Bhuban, Panchgram, Chatacherra, Mohonpur, Saraspur are the major hills with numerous hillocks in their vicinities.
The climate of Barak valley is sub-tropical, warm and humid. The average rainfall is 3180 mm with average rainy days of 146 per annum (data furnished by the Regional Agricultural Research Station, Karimganj). The rainfall is caused by the South-west monsoon, which begins in the early June to continue up to October. The valley, however experience pre-monsoon rainfall in the month of March and April This plain track of Barak valley is a geographical extension of Gangetic Bengal. The valley is predominantly inhabited by the Indo-Aryan population, and the demography is formed in early times by integrating the Indo-Mongoloid, Austric and other non-Aryan ethnic groups in a long historical process.The Geo-political map of the valley has been subjected to changes at the whims of the colonial British. Prior to its annexation to the British territory (1832, 14 August), however, Cachar was an independent kingdom ruled by the royal family of the Dimasa (from 1745). Having the kingdom annexed the colonists had placed Cachar under Dacca Division of Bengal Presidency (1836). Initially Cachar (the core area of the present Barak Valley) emerged as a ‘province’ to be degraded to the status of a district under Bengal presidency. When Assam was constituted into a separate state in 1874 Cachar was transferred to it (along with Sylhet), although geographically, historically and culturally it represented a distinct region. At the dawn of independence the Sylhet portion was transferred to East Pakistan, and Cachar formed a part of the state of Assam separated form the mainland by the Barail Hill range. With the formation of two more districts truncating Cachar, the area in the south of Assam is collectively termed as Barak valley.

My Sylheti Bengali ,My People Uproated from Their  Native Land, still is the only race or
 community in India to  “Fight for Their Own Mother Tounge”. Barak Valley is a rather newish christening for erstwhile Cachar district. This tract of land in the southern periphery of Assam is home to around 4 million populations a massive eighty percent of whom are Bengali speaking spread over the three districts of Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi.Language, it is a known fact, is the Achilles’ Hill in the whole of the North-East India where the process of building sub-nationality has, for the last one hundred years or so, veered around language apart from ethnicity. The historical sequence started with the assertion of Assamese nationalism during the dawn of the twentieth century which was pitted against the Bengali speaking community out of paranoia. The British colonial design was the mastermind behind sowing the seeds of anti-Bengali sentiments among the Assamese middle class. Economic factors further aggravated the deprivation theory which continued through out the remaining part of the pre-colonial and also well into the post-colonial Assam.
The fear psychosis that the Bengali domination would not only close the avenues of employment for the Assamese youth, but, more than that, would surely destroy the Assamese language and culture drove the political rulers of Assam to take anti-Bengali steps on numerous occasions. And the worst of it happened in 1960 when the Assam Government passed the nefarious Official Language Act making Assamese the only official State language other than English. The people of the then Cachar district went all out in protest against this Act the provisions of which they rightly felt would deprive them of their legitimate linguistic right. It was a mass upsurge and the chauvinist Assam Government came down heavily on the democratic movement in a violent way. Situation went to a grave pass when on 19 May 1961 police resorted to firing on unarmed Satyagrahis in Silchar Railway Station that left eleven people dead one among them being a woman, Kamala Bhattacharjee. Incidentally, she was the first woman language martyr of the world. In the face of more intensified democratic agitation aided by popular support from all over the country the Assam Government finally yielded. In that year itself suitable amendment was brought in to the Official Language Act 1960 accommodating Bengali as the official language for the whole of Cachar district.
But, unfortunately, the xenophobic mindset of the State Government did not change and, as a result, clandestine designs of infringing on the linguistic right of the Bengali of Assam have remained unabated in the State. On 17 August 1972, one more language activist laid down life in Karimganj in protest against the circular of Gauhati University which sought to make Assamese the only medium of instruction in the State colleges.On 21 July 1986 two more brave souls sacrificed their lives in Karimganj during an agitation programme protesting against the draconian Board of Secondary Education of Assam circular which struck down Bengali as one of the media of instruction in the State school education.On 16 March 1996, one woman activist embraced martyrdom in the Valley for the cause of her mother tongue, Bishnupriya Manipuri.This holy territory of Barak Valley thus has a glorious tradition of language movement spanning a half-a-century period. This protest culture is perhaps the only way to cherish the plural and multi-cultural fabric of the State of Assam.


The martyrs of 19th May, 1961 First Ever Language struggle in India-Shoot Dead on Spot:



Birendra Sutadhar-Great Martyard in Language Movement in Barak Valley, 19 May 1961

Chadicharan Sutradhar-a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Heetesh Biswas -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Hijom Irabot Singh, a Nationalist turned Communist -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Kamala Bhattacharjee-Great Martyard in Language Movement in Barak Valley, 19 May 1961

Kanailal Neogi -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Kumud Ranjan Das -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Sachinrda Paul -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Sattenrda Deb -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle



Sukomol Purkayastha, a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

Sunil Sarkar -a martyr of 19th May, 1961 struggle

-by  MRIDUL NANDY                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 




 




Saturday, 17 March 2012

The Great History of Assam -by Mridul

                                        

         "The Great History of Assam"

               


                


ancient map of assam
The history of Assam is the history of a confluence of people from the east, west and the north; the confluence of the Indo-Aryan, Austro-Asiatic , and Tibeto-Burman,cultures. Politically, it has been invaded, but has never served as a vassal or a colony to an external power till the advent of the Burmese in 1821 and subsequently the British in 1826.
Major Kingdoms Of Assam
The history of Assam is known from many sources. The Ahom Kingdom,of medieval Assam maintained chronicles, called Buranjhis, written in the Ahom  and the Assamese languages. History of ancient Assam comes from rock inscriptions and the many copper plates and royal grants the Kamarupa  kings issued during their reign. Protohistory is reconstructed from folklore, epics like Mahabharata, and two medieval texts compiled in the Assam region—the Kalika purana  and the Yogini Tantra.

 

 

 

 

Prehistory

Paleolithic cultures

The earliest inhabitants of the region are assigned to the Middle Pleistocene period (781,000 to 126,000 years ago) in the Rongram valley of Garo Hills. The Paleolithic sites, which used handaxe-cleaver tools, have affinities to the Abbevillio-Acheulean culture. Other Paleolithic sites include those in the Daphabum area of Lohit district in Arunachal Pradesh which used stone tools from metamorphic rocks.The cave-based Paleolithic sites at Khangkhui in Ukhrul, Manipur, is placed in the Late pleistocene period.
There exists evidence of  microlithic a culture in the Rongram Valley of Garo Hills that lie between the neolithic layers and virgin soil. The microliths here were made of dolerite, unlike those from the rest of India. Shreds of crude hand-made pottery indicate that the microlithic people were hunters and food-gatherers.ash...

Neolithic Age

Early Neolithic  cultures based on the unifacially flaked hand-axe in the Garo hills have developed in line with the Hoabinhian culture, and it is conjectured that this region was the contact point for the Indian and the Southeast Asian cultures.
The Late neolithic cultures have affinities with the spread of the Mon Khmer speaking people from Malaysia and the Ayeyarwady valley and late neolithic developments in South China. Since these cultures have been dated to 4500–4000 BCE, the Assam sites are dated to approximate that period.
These neolithic sites, though widely spread, are concentrated in the hills and high grounds, due possibly to the floods. These cultures performed Shifting Cultivation called jhum, which is still practiced by some communities in the region. Some typical sites are Daojali Hading in Dima , Hasao , Sarutaru in Kamrup district and Selbagiri in the Garo Hills.

Metal Age

There exists no archaeological evidence of Copper-Bronze or Iron Age culture in the region. This might seem as an impossibility given that corresponding cultures have been discovered in Bengal as well as Southeast Asia. It can only be conjectured that metal age sites in the region exist but have not yet been discovered.
Megalithic Cultures
Though the metal age seems to be missing in Assam, the Iron Age Megalithic  culture of South India  finds an echo in the rich megalithic culture in the region, which begins to appear earlier than the First millenium BCE, and which continues till today among the Khasi and the Naga people. The affinity is with Southeast Asia. The megalithic culture was the precursor of the fertility cult and the Saktism and the Vajravana Buddhism that followed.
Mythological Assam
Protohistoric Assam is reconstructed from epics and literature from early times (Mahabharata, Kalika purana , Yogini Tantra , etc).The earliest political entity seems to have been led by a non-Aryan  Danava Dynasty  with Mahiranga mentioned as the first king. This dynasty was removed by Narakasura. Naraka appears to be a generic name for many kings belonging to the Naraka Dynasty. According to legend, the last of the Naraka kings was killed by  Krishna and his son Bhagadatta took the throne. Bhagadatta is said to have participated in the Mahabharata War  with an army of "chinas, kiratas and dwellers of the eastern sea", thereby indicating that his kingdom, Pragjyotisha, included part of Bangladesh. The last in the Naraka dynasty was a ruler named Suparua.

  Ancient Assam                 

Coins
The historical account of Assam begins with the establishment of Pushya Varman's  Varman Dynasty  in the 4th century in the Kamarupa kingdom , which marks the beginning of Ancient Assam. This dynasty was most likely of aboriginal origin, but drew its lineage from Narakasura. The kingdom reached its zenith under  Bhaskarvarman in the 7th century. Xuanzang visited his court and left behind a significant account. Bhaskar Varman died without leaving behind an issue and the control of the country passed to Salasthamba, who established the Mlechchha Dynasty. After the fall of the Mlechchha dynasty in the late 9th century, a new ruler, Brahmapala was elected, who established the Pala Dynasty. The last Pala king was removed by the Gaur king, Ramapala, in 1110. But the two subsequent kings, Timgyadeva and Vaidyadeva, though established by the Gaur kings, ruled mostly as independents and issued grants under the old Kamarupa seals. The fall of subsequent kings and the rise of individual kingdoms in the 12th century in place of the Kamarupa kingdom marked the end of the Kamarupa kingdom and the period of Ancient Assam.

 Medieval Assam                               


The beginning of Medieval Assam is marked by the rise of the Khen Dynasty of the Kamata kingdom , established by Prithu in the western part of the old Kamarupa Kingdom, and the beginning of attacks by the Turks of Bengal. The Kamata kingdom, named after the capital at Kamatapur, was frequently attacked by the rulers of Bengal, and  Alauddin Hussain shah finally removed the last Khen king in 1498. But Hussein Shah and subsequent rulers could not consolidate their rule in the Kamata kingdom, mainly due to the revolt by the  Bhuyan Chieftains and other local groups. In the 16th century Viswa Singha of the Koch tribe established the  Koch Dynasty in the Kamata kingdom. The Koch dynasty reached its peak under his sons, Nara Narayan  and Chilarai.
In the eastern part of the old Kamarupa kingdom, the  Kachari and the  Sutiya  kingdoms arose, with portions of the north bank of the Brahmaputra River  controlled by the Bhuyan Chieftains. In the tract between the Kachari and the Sutiya kingdoms, a Shan group, led by Sukaphaa, established the Ahom kingdom. The Ahom kingdom in the course of time expanded into the Sutiya kingdom to its north and pushed the Kachari kingdom further south. After the death of Nara Narayan of the Koch dynasty in the late 16th century, the Kamata kingdom broke into Koch Bihar  in the west and  Koch Hajo in the east. The rivalry between the two kingdoms resulted in the former allying with the Mughals and the latter with the Ahoms. Most of the 17th century saw the Ahom -Mughal conflicts , in which the Ahoms held the expansive Mughals at bay epitomized in the Battle of Saraighat of 1671, and which finally ended in 1682 with the defeat of the Mughals at Itakhuli—and the Ahom kingdom reached its westernmost boundary. Though the Ahom kingdom saw itself as the inheritor of the glory of the erstwhile Kamarupa kingdom and aspired to extend itself to the Karatoya river, it could never do so; though an Ahom general, Ton Kham under Swargadeo Suhungmung, reached the river once when he pursued a retreating invading army in the 16th century.
After the Ahom kingdom reached its zenith, problems within the kingdom arose in the 18th century, when it lost power briefly to rebels of the Moamoria Rebellion. Though the Ahoms recaptured power, it was beset with problems, leading to the  Burmese invasion of Assam in the early 19th century. With the defeat of the Burmese in the First Anglo-Burmese war and the subsequent Treaty of Yandaboo, control of Assam passed into the hands of the British, which marks the end of the Medieval period.

British annexation of Assam

After the Burmese occupied Assam, the British began their campaign against the Burmese. In 1824, lower Assam (originally Koch Hajo) was formally annexed. The following year the British defeated the Burmese in upper Assam leading to the Treaty of Yandaboo In this war against the Burmese the Ahoms did not help the British. In March 1828, lower Assam was formally annexed. In the same year, the Kachari kingdom  was annexed under the Doctrine of Lapse   after the king Govinda Chandra was killed. In 1832, the Khasi king surrendered and the British increased their influence over the Nandy Dynasty of Jaintia. But these Mighty Warriors of jaintia didnot accept the British Colonial rule,and declared War against the Bristish Government at the end of 1832 under the leadership of  Fierce Warlord  Durga Charan Nandy somewhere near jaintipur.In this Battle The Nandy Ruler's of jaintia were Defeated & lost fifty thousand shoulders .The traces of these Great Dynasty of Jaintia were not knew by the  modern world.Even Historians never  found about these legendary Nandy Dynasty of jaintia.Some beleived that this Great Nandy Dynasty lost in the midst of modernisation.It is said that Decendents of this Nandy Dynasty are in Some parts of Meghalaya, Central Assam and few are in kolkata. In 1833, upper Assam became a British protectorate under the erstwhile ruler of the Ahom kingdom, Purandhar Singha, but in 1838 the region was formally annexed into the British empire. With the annexation of the Maran/Matak territory in the east in 1839, the annexation of Assam was complete.
                                      Colonial Rule
Bengal Presidency (1826–1873): Assam was included as a part of the Bengal Presidency. The annexation of upper Assam is attributed to the successful manufacture of  Tea  in 1837, and the beginning of the  Assam Company  in 1839. Under the Wasteland Rules of 1838, it became nearly impossible for natives to start plantations. After the liberalization of the rules in 1854, there was a land rush. The Chinese staff that was imported earlier for the cultivation of tea left Assam in 1843, when tea plantations came to be tended by local labor solely, mainly by those belonging to the Kachari group. From 1859 central Indian labor was imported for the tea plantations. This labor, based on an unbreakable contract, led to a virtual slavery of this labor group. The conditions in which they were transported to Assam were so horrific that about 10% never survived the journey. The colonial government already had monopoly over the opium trade.
There were immediate protests and revolts against the British occupation. In 1828, two years after the Treaty of Yandaboo, Gomdhar Konwar  rose in revolt against the British, but he was easily suppressed. In 1830 Dhananjoy Burhagohain, Piyali Phukan and Jiuram Medhi rose in revolt, and they were sentenced to death. In the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the people of Assam offered resistance in the form of non-cooperation, and  Maniram Dewan and Piyali Baruah were executed for their roles. In 1861 peasants of Nagaon gathered at  Phulaguri for a raiz mel (peoples' assembly) to protest against taxes on betel-nut and paan. Lt. Singer, a British officer got into a fracas with the peasants and was killed, after which the protests were violently suppressed.
Chief Commissioner's Province (1874–1905): In 1874, the Assam region was separated from the Bengal Presidency,  Sylhet was added to it and its status was upgraded to a Chief Commissioner's Province. The capital was at Shillong. The people of Sylhet protested the inclusion in Assam. Assamese, which was replaced by Bengali as the official language in 1837, was reinstated alongside Bengali. In 1889, oil was discovered at Digboi  giving rise to an oil industry. In this period  Nagoan witnessed starvation deaths, and there was a decrease in the indigenous population, which was more than adequately compensated by the immigrant labor. Colonialism  was well entrenched, and the tea, oil and coal-mining industries were putting increasing pressure on the agricultural sector which was lagging behind.
The peasants, burdened under the opium monopoly and the  usuary by money lenders, rose again in revolt. Numerous raiz mels decided against paying the taxes. The protests culminated in a bayonet charge against the protesters at Patharughat in 1894. At least 15 were left dead and in the violent repression that followed villagers were tortured and their properties were destroyed or looted. In 1903, Assam Association was formed with Manik Chandra Baruah as the first secretary.
Eastern Bengal and Assam under Lt. Governor (1906–1912): Bengal was partitioned and East Bengal was added to the Chief Commissioner's Province. The new region, now ruled by a Lt. Governor, had its capital at Dhaka. This province had a 15-member legislative council in which Assam had two seats. The members for these seats were recommended (not elected) by rotating groups of public bodies.
The  Partition of Bengal was strongly protested in Bengal, and the people of Assam were not happy either. The partition was finally annulled by a royal decree in 1911. The  Swadeshi  movement (1905–1908) from this period, went largely unfelt in Assam, though it stirred some, most notably Ambikagiri Raychoudhury.
Beginning 1905 peasants from East Bengal began settling down in the riverine tracts (char) of the  Brahmaputra valley encouraged by the colonial government to increase agricultural production. Between 1905 and 1921, the immigrant population from East Bengal increased four folds. The immigration continued in post colonial times, giving rise to the Assam Agitation  of 1979.
Assam Legislative Council (1912–1920): The administrative unit was reverted to a Chief Commissioner's Province (Assam plus Sylhet), with a Legislative Council added. The Council had 25 members, of which the Chief Commissioner and 13 nominated members formed the bulk. The other members were elected by local public bodies like municipalities, local boards, landholders, tea planters and Muslims.
As Assam got sucked into the Non-cooperation Movement, the Assam Association slowly transformed itself into the Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (with 5 seats in AICC) in 1920–21.
Dyarchy (1921–1937): Under the Government of India Act 1919 the Assam Legislative Council membership was increased to 53, of which 33 were elected by special constituencies. The powers of the Council were increased too; but in effect, the official group, consisting of the Europeans, the nominated members etc. had the most influence.
Assam Legislative Assembly (1937–1947): Under the Government of India Act 1935, the Council was expanded into an Assembly of 108 members, with even more powers. The period saw the sudden rise of  Gopinath Bordoloi  and  Muhammed Saadulah and their tussle for power and influence.

Post -Colonial Assam

In 1979, Assam flared into Assam Agitation  (or Assam Movement) a popular movement against illegal immigration. The movement, led AASU and AAGSP, set an agitational program to compel the government to identify and expel illegal immigrants and prevent new immigration. The agitational programs were largely non-violent, but there were incidents of acute violence, like the Nellie Massacre. It ended in 1985 following the Assam Accord that was signed by the agitation leaders and the Government of India. The agitation leaders formed a political party, Asom Gana Parishad, which came to power in the state of Assam in the Assembly elections of 1985.

                                                  
Chaolung Sukaphaa (reign 1228–1268)
                       CHAOLUNG SYU KA PHA (1228-1268 A.D.)  


Syu Ka Pha is said to have left Maulung in 1215 A.D. with a following of 8 nobles, and 9,000 men, women and children, it may be surmised, that the great majority of his followers were adult males. He had with him 2 elephants, and 300 horses. For 13 years, he wandered about the hilly country of the Patkai, making occassional raids of Naga villages, and in 1228 A.D., he arrived in Khamjang.
He crossed a river called the Khamnamjang in rafts, and came to the Nongnyang lake. Some Nagas attempted to resist his advance, but he defeated them and the other Nagas made their submission. Leaving one of his nobles to rule the conquered country, Syu Ka Pha proceeded to Dangkaorang, Khamhangpung and Namrup. He bridged the Sessa river and ascended the Dihing, but finding the place unsuitable, he retraced his step and proceeding downstream, reached Tipam. Thence he went, in 1236 A.D., to Mungklang Chekhru(Abhaypur), where he stayed for several years. In 1240, this tract of country became flooded during the rainy seasons, so he left it and descended the Brahmaputra to Habung, where he spent 2 years, while here, the Ahoms lived by cultivation. But this place also was liable to inundation, and in 1244 a heavy flood necessitated another move. Sukapha, therefore, continued his journey down the Brahmaputra till he reached the mouth of the Dikhu. Thence he went to Ligirigaon. In 1246, he proceeded to Simaluguri, leaving a detachment at Ligirigaon. He stayed here for some years. It is said that he contemplated an attack on the people inhabiting the valley of the Namdang (a tributory of Dikhu), but gave up the idea on finding how numerous they were. In 1253, Simaluguri was abandoned in favour of Charaideo, where a city was built amid general rejoicings. To celebrate the occasion two horses were sacrificed to the Gods, and prayers were offered by the Deodhais under a mulberry tree.     
Asom Symbol
charaideo, first  Capital of Ahom King ,Syu Ka Pha
Syu Ka Pha was an enterprising and brave prince and his treatment of the conquered Morans and Borahis was most judicious. The memory of his wanderings along the valley of the Dihing river is still preserved in various local names and traditions. Sukapha appointed 2 great officers of State, known as the Bor Gohain and the Burha Gohain, who exercised powers second only to those of the king himself. Syu Ka Pha made friend with his brother rulers in his ancestral home, and sent them presents of gold and silver. He died in 1268 A.D.